restrictions on the movement of workers to their econo­mies. In turn, there is some evidence that improvement in the economies of new EU member states, in addition to the movement of workers from those states to more developed EU states, has created opportunities for migrants from Rus­sia, Ukraine and Moldova and other former USSR states, some of whom are available for work in the agricultural sector (Patzwaldt, 2004).
     The changes in CEE are more complex as collectiviza­tion greatly reduced the number of farming units in some countries (e.g., E. Germany and Czechoslovakia) but not others (e.g., Poland). Following the demise of collectiv­ization, there has been a variable re-allocation of land to former  owners  resulting in  fragmentation  of the  farm­ing units, which has been followed by a re-amalgamation of the small units to create more financially viable enter­prises (Bouma et al., 1998). An underlying factor in most transitions was the situation of the land and credit sectors, which together determined the ability—and sometimes the identity—of new landowners and farmworkers during the processes of land restitution and business privatization. In some countries, such as the Czech Republic, Slovenia and much of Poland, viable private farming businesses emerged quickly in the hands of families or companies. In Russia, Belarus and Ukraine, with their much longer period un­der communist leadership and only partial acceptance of market-oriented systems, structural transformation in the countryside was slow and patchy, despite harsher economic conditions.
     Despite the general trend observed across Europe for a decline in farm numbers, increase in farm size and laying off of farm workers, some countries have seen a recent change in emphasis towards developing new on-farm enterprises, expansion into higher value-added crops and engagement in environmental schemes. These activities have actually re­sulted in an increase in agricultural labor in countries such as Denmark and Greece. Similarly, the recent rise in consumer demand for organic produce has seen an increase in labor in this part of the farming sector to meet needs of labor inten­sive operations and provide the necessary technical support. For example, data for Denmark has shown that conversion to organic farming has led to a 38% increase in labor costs. A small increase in job creation in the agricultural sector is also resulting from the increase in agrienvironment schemes such as those being implemented in the UK.
     The contribution of women to the agricultural work­force largely reflects the overall declining trend in farm em­ployment in the European region. Overall, women make up more than one-third of the European agricultural work­force. However, women make a greater contribution to the agricultural labor force in Southern European countries than Northern, with the exception of Finland. In France, fewer farmers' wives now work on the farm, approximately half in 1997, as opposed to three-quarters in 1979. Part-time work is also less widespread in Northern European countries compared with southern Europe. This high level of part-time employment in southern Europe is associated with the greater number of seasonal activities in this region and is reflected in the employment of both men and women, but is generally more common among women.
     Across the EU, women have lower overall labor force

participation rates compared to men, higher levels of par­ticipation in part-time work, higher rates of unemployment and lower wages (nearly 25% below those of men). Part-time work is by and large a female phenomenon; 85% of the part-time workforce in the EU is female. Non-standard em­ployment (zero hour contracts, casual and seasonal work, temporary work, home working and unpaid family work) accounts for a disproportionately high share of women's employment. In a majority of EU member countries, at least 10% of the female labor force is in temporary employment with the highest rates in the Iberian countries and Greece. Outwork and homework are almost exclusively performed by women. In the more marginalized areas of the EU, two different developments are affecting farm women. On the one hand there is noticeable out-migration, especially of young women, particularly in areas where a strong patriar­chal culture coexists with difficult working and living condi­tions, e.g., Spain and Italy; on the other hand, there is also an increase in the number of female-headed farms (Spain, Portugal and Italy) (Van der Plas and Fonte, 1994). Women provide safety nets where male out-migration has become a dominant feature. In these areas, women adjust farming to reflect the reduced availability of labor (e.g., smaller areas farmed, conversions to extensive farming, greater emphasis on subsistence, cooperatives, and agrotourism) and receive remittances from their spouses.
     In CEE countries women are mainly employed as low-skilled workers. As in North America, farm household in­come in Europe is increasingly from off-farm salaries. The reduction in agricultural employment has, therefore, had a generally greater negative effect on female employment.

Rural women and poverty in the EU. Since a key trend in Europe is concentration (regional, sectoral and among firms), the division between the richer and poorer coun­tries and the more and less prosperous regions is expected to deepen, as are the divisions between women. Within the EU, large regional imbalances occur. Portugal had the high­est incidence of poverty followed by Spain, Ireland, Greece and the United Kingdom. In four out of the six countries where poverty rates are reported by economic activity of the household head, they are higher for farmers than for any other group (Denmark, Germany, the Netherlands and Portugal).
     With the exception of the Netherlands, female-headed households have higher poverty rates than male-headed households, with the highest incidences of poverty among female-headed households occurring in the UK, Ireland, France and Spain. Several countries also have an unequal ratio of poor men to poor women. For example, in Germany and the UK there are 120 to 130 poor women per 100 poor men. In Italy and the Netherlands the ratios are nearly equal, while in Sweden the ratio is reversed, with fewer poor women (90-93 women per 100 men). The existence of strong family ties (Italy), high rates of female employment (Sweden) and a strong system of social assistance (the Netherlands) appear to influence these ratios positively. In general, rural women constitute one of the major groups most vulnerable to pov­erty in the Western European population—as members of poor farm families, as female heads of household and as off-farm workers (Borjas and de Rooij, 1998).